The Limited Choice Primary Initiative
aka Open Primary Initiative
aka Westly Initiative
The Limited Choice Primary Initiative has qualified for the
November 2, 2004 ballot. This is sometimes inappropriately
referred to as the Open Primary Initiative. Inappropriate
because it implies more choice, not less. It is also known
as the Westly Initiative because he has been a prominent supporter.
The GPCA (Green Party of California) CC (Coordinating
Committee) and the GPCA ERWG (Electoral Reform Working Group)
are concerned about this initiative and believe it would be very
bad (some think fatal) for the GPCA and for democracy.
This web page is provided to allow Greens to know more about the initiative.
In case you think that you do not have time to read the whole page,
I request that you at least read the Steven Hill Editorial (section #11)
and the CVD report on the Louisiana primary (section #10).
Gerry Gras
      408-732-6701
      26 May 2004
1) The initiative itself.
2) The sponsors stated arguments.
3) The sponsors.
4) The open primary history in CA.
5) The open primary history outside CA.
6) The Ds and Rs on the open primary.
7) The voters on the open primary.
8) Possible Arguments re open primary
9) Richard Winger (Ballot Access News) re open primary
10) CVD on Louisiana Primary
11) Steven Hill Editorial
12) GPCA Past Actions
13) What Next?
14) Possible Tactics
15) A Dissenting View Point
1) The initiative itself.
The main purpose of the initiative is that for most offices...
-
All voters can vote for any of the candidates, no matter
what party the voter or candidate is in (even if not in
a party)
-
the two top vote getters, and ONLY the two top vote
getters, advance to the general (usually November) election
-
Unless I missed something, (I am not a legal expert) this applies
to all state and federal elections, EXCEPT FOR presidential
elections and county council (central committee) elections
-
For special primaries, if a candidate gets a majority,
he is then declared the winner, no special general election
is required
-
Recall elections are not affected
2) The sponsors stated arguments.
In the initiative itself, there are many reasons listed.
But they really boil down to a few basic concepts:
-
more "voter choice"
-
increase voter participation (according to them the
turnout was higher under the open primary)
-
more candidates will run
-
more competitive by providing two candidates in the
general election
-
FWIW, "increased privacy and a sense of fairness"???
In other places on the web, it seems a motivating factor
is that supporters believe more "moderate" candidates would
win elections. I think the main concern expressed is about
"anti-business" liberal Democrats.
3) The sponsors.
On the initiative sent to the Attorney General, there
are three people that are the "proponents";
And there are two attorneys representing the proponents;
And there are others.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
The following info was obtained by searching the web.
Nick Tobey
-
Los Angeles
-
"Chairman of Californians to Protect the Open Primary"
-
(I was unable to find anything more about Nick Tobey or
"Californians to Protect the Open Primary".)
Susan Riegel (Harding)
-
San Diego
-
contributed $12,866 to Prop 198 (old open primary prop)
-
member of Funds Commission 1994-1998
(appointed by mayor)
-
(I was unable to find anything more about Susan Riegel.)
George (David) Kieffer
Peter A. Bagatelos (PAB)
-
MUD (SF + another city?), (PAB was CLUB atty, pro MUD, anti PG&E)
-
In a list of supporters for public power Prop D
    (list includes PAB, Media Benjamin, Mike Borenstein,
other Greens)
-
Support for transparency in legal system,
against judges discretion to "depublish"
-
Support for smokers? (PAB and Fadem were attorneys for Phillip Morris)
-
Answers questions about open primary
(January 6, 2004)
"This nonpartisan open primary is used in Louisiana."
"open up the process and allow voters more choices"
"In his majority opinion, Justice (Antonin) Scalia
said a system where the top two vote-getters advance
is acceptable."
Q: The political parties sued to overturn the 1996
measure and likely would oppose this one. They say
by diminishing their influence, nonpartisan primaries
undermine our democratic system. Are they right?
A: It's true that their existence depends on control
and that this is going to change that. But if the
party system is so good, why don't people vote in
higher numbers? Elections are being decided by 30
percent or 35 percent of voters.
"It's bipartisan. (Former Gray Davis strategist) Garry
South, (former Los Angeles Mayor) Richard Riordan,
state Controller Steve Wesley, (former Clinton chief
of staff) Leon Panetta."
-
Assisted Libertarian Candidate Michael Denny re Chinese
name on ballot (identify race question)
-
Provided advice re activities re Ballot Measures to
"Protection of Marriage Committee ("POMC")"
Barry Fadem
-
Lafayette (Contra Costa? Alameda?)
-
San Francisco?
-
Involved in initiatives re gambling, including the one
that created the California Lottery in 1984
   
First page
   
Second Page
Other definite supporters of an Open Primary system
According to the PAB interview above, the supporters include
-
(Former Gray Davis strategist) Garry South
-
(Former Los Angeles Mayor) Richard Riordan
-
State Controller Steve Wesley
-
(former Clinton chief of staff) Leon Panetta.
A possible supporter?
Finally, Westly says...
4) The open primary history in CA.
Short version:
-
blanket primaries in CA in 1998 and 2000
-
then stopped due to U.S. Supreme Court ruling
-
open primary (different from blanket primary) effort
began shortly after
Good description of what happened from 1996 to June, 2000
U.S. Supreme Court ruling:
More details:
5) The open primary history outside CA.
There are about 20 states that have some form of open primary
but be careful about what thay means...
For example,
I used to live in Massachusetts, where the primaries were
the same as in CA before 1998, EXCEPT that if you were
Independent (= CA "Decline to State"), then you could
choose whichever ballot you wanted. Is Mass. considered an
open primary state? I don't know.
We know that the Westly Initiative Open Primary would
be similar to the Louisiana Open Primary. And there are
indications that Alaska and Washington have or had similar
open primaries.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
From Lee Abbott, cochair of GPL (Green Party of Louisiana):
Gerry,
The claim that the open primary is "good for third parties" is based on the premise that anyone belonging to any party can compete in the same election with the twin Tyrants. But it is "good" only in basic ballot access, but does not gaurentee 1) ballot status, having the third parties name beside the candidate, nor 2) party members control over their candidates. In fact it undercuts the point of having a party except in name only. Parties will be hurt by open primaries, and important party constituencies - specific ethnic, gender, sexual identity, class or ideological interests - lose more and more control over the candidates that bear their party's name. That is what is happening in Louisiana - where white Democrats and black Democrats essential operate in segregated parties: they share forces mainly to elect a top white Democrat using black support for generally conservative white politicians. Seats are then gerrymandered in the Legislature so that white Democrats get the right amount of black support and conservative white support, while blacks Democrats get 80-100% black districts. Already some black Democrats are calling for a return to the primary system at the local and congressional levels in order to exact more control over their nominees. It will probably mean more black and maybe more liberal democrats are nominated, but it would also send the Democratic party the way of other Southern states, where the primaries have produced the iron differences, mainly racial, between Ds and Rs that produced the Southern shift of white Ds to the Republicans.
Most voters though won't care: there is too much antipathy towards parties that I think we need to convince these voters that getting back into a movement to retake democracy is paramount, and that the political wing of it would be threatened by open primaries. I think the real issue is to activily pursue PR instead of open primary, to engage it in debate, and show that if the proponents want real 3rd party representation, then go with the proven system that is made for the expressed purpose of allocating seats according to each parties actual voting strength. Just getting on the ballot won't help third parties because it doesn't gaurentee their representation according to their actuall support.
The argument can be made that single seat winner-take-all systems fail to represent the diversity of its districts, and that to expect a single official to represent that diversity is impossible and cynical. Every political minority and majority deserve representation, and that voting turn-out typically increases when voters see that they can be represented by voting in even substantial minorities.
Yes, David Duke almost was almost elected under the open primary system. Because Republicans could not choose in a primary their nominee, the incumbent governor, Republican Buddy Romer, was defeated in the primary to another Republican of the extreme right and faced the perennial Democratic governor Edwin W. Edwards in the general election. Of course the whole situation was Edwards' fault for writing the open primary in to the 1972 (?) Constitution of Louisiana while he was governor. I think Duke would have not moved past a primary. I mean, the Republicans had a sitting governor, though he was a little too liberal for Louisiana Republicans (he switched parties to the Rs in office). I think the primary would have caused the party to examine itself, think about the public relations of such a candidate, and allow Romer to crush him. That would have probably meant that Romer would have gone on to when the majority of Republican and white Democratic vote, and thus the governorship.
I'm afraid I am just giving you generalities again. I will do some research and contact the Center for Voting and Democracy. Their website and others like them have great information, especially about American cities' past with PR and single transferable vote. Back in the 20s-40s, cities from Boulder to NYC had a form of PR that was "non-partisan", similar to IRV execpt used for multiple seats. It elected the first African Americans (a Communist no less) to NYC's city council, and elected blacks to their first seats in Cincinnati and other Ohio and Mass. cities. It broke up Democratic machines, elected non-machine Ds, more Rs, and many Communists, American Labor Party, and independents. It faced down several referendums on its use, until the late 40s when the Red Scare swept it off the map. That's a little history. Since there is little direct use-experience with PR, and since open primary is very similar to closed primary voting, the ability for your opponents to explain the system is easier.
When I think of some more advice I send it your way.
Please keep us informed about your work and how that campaign is going.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
According to a New York Green, about a recent attempt in NYC:
You may be referring to an initiative in NYC pushed by Mayor Bloomberg to make elections "nonpartisan" and to have a two person runoff. In NYC, in citywide primaries, if no candidate gets 40%, then they have a runoff in the primary. The proposal was defeated this November.
Some of most active greens on electoral reform were very supportive of it. Others were opposed. The party took no official position, at least on the state level.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
An email from Washington goes here if possible.
- - - - - - - - - - - - - - - -
From Jim Sykes, cochair GPAK (Green Party of Alaska),
(but note that the current Louisiana Open Primary may
not have been around during the Long brothers time):
I'm on the run so I"ll have to write more later. The "Louisiana system" is
extremely corrupt and extremely bad for 3rd parties. Read "Earl of
Louisiana" or some of the books about the Long brothers.
Alaska originally had closed primaries--you had to be registered to the
party to vote. Republicans opened it to an open blanket primary where
anyone, regardless of party affiliation could vote for any one candidate in
the primary election. This was done because most Alaskans are NOT
registered to ANY political party--so the primary became a beauty contest
that made Alaskans think they really had something to do with the power
running the place.
After the R's got majorities in both houses and the Governor they moved to
close the primary system. They closed it to R's and independents and then
we had a ballot with everyone else but R's. MOst Alaskans hated it. That
wasn't good enuf for the R's They fully closed it to the point where those
registered to a party could ONLY get their ballot in 2002. Independents
could select any ballot thereby giving them more choices than anyone
belonging to a political party. It was a direct attempt on the part of the
R's to get rid of the Libertarians and the conservative Alaska Independence
Party. They even wrote to members of those small parties and said "Why not
participate in a primary where the real action is with lots of candidates to
choose from and leave your crummy little party--vote in the Republican
Primary" or words to that effect. It didn't work.
Greens have sued in court--and we won the right for parties to affiliate
with each other in the primary. So far the AIP, Democrats and Greens have
indicated they want their primary together. Now we have to get our party
rules amended and approved by the federal department of justice. I should
tell you that the state has indicated they will appeal the lower court
ruling we won to the Alaska Supreme Court. It may not come in time to
change how this primary election is run.
The downside to the open blanket primary is that people can organize a
crossover vote. Republicans organized to support a weak Democrat against
incumbet D Mike Gravel in 1980. Then the went back and pushed for Frank
Murkowski who won the general.
Currently in AK it is illegal to select candidates by convention. So all
the other options--runnoff, Louisiana style runoff are all bad options for a
small party. Only IRV would really help. In the end, it's just not
pleasant being a small party in a primary system. It is well known that
people are likely to vote for a candidate in the general election if they
had voted for a winner in the primary, so I say eliminate the primary and
establish IRV.
That's it in a nushell. The corrupt part of the Louisiana system is that
when the apparent leaders emerge, that's when all the back door dealing
starts prior to the runoff.
6) The CA Democrats and Republicans on the CA open primary.
I don't know where the CA Democrats and Republicans are re the
open primary. It appears that parties are likely to be opposed to
it, but there certainly are some notable exceptions.
7) The voters on the open primary.
The voters gave 60% to Prop 198 (that enabled the
blanket primary)
A poll said Californians would vote 75% for the Open Primary Initiative.
8) Possible Arguments re open primary
-
Several Points made by Greens in press release
-
Does not allow parties to choose their candidates ???
Courts have ruled parties have rights.
-
But apparently the supporters believe that there is reason to believe that this Supreme Court will allow Open Primaries.
If you want the HTML version instead of the PDF version, try
searching for "Nick Tobey Open Primary" at
Google, find the item
"The Capitol Connection", and choose the HTML version.
-
By weakening party influence, money may become more important ???
-
With this initiative,
Greens would rarely be in the General Election
-
On the other hand, if a Green made it to the General Election, he
would not have the "spoiler" problem.
-
Get more moderate winners ???
This seems to be a theme among the
business supporters
,
and Controller Steve Wesley:
first page
, and
second page
.
It has some plausibility ... if a party is off center in
some direction, then it's candidates that are further off
center will have a better chance in the closed primary
than in the open primary.
But apparently it is not true.
-
Sponsors are hostile to the Green Party ???
I found no evidence on the web to support this.
I suppose wanting more moderate winners might
be code for anti third parties.
But I saw one web site where a pro-business person
seemed mostly concerned about "anti-business" liberal
Democrats
9) Richard Winger (Ballot Access News) re open primary
Chris Jerdonek obtained the following from
Richard Winger, editor of
Ballot Access News> :
From Richard Winger:
Date: Mon, 2 Feb 2004 19:29:13 -0800 (PST)
Subject: open primary initiative
Dear Chris, I take your message very seriously.
I'm not sure if you knew that I had looked in all the
blanket primaries California has ever conducted. They
include all the 1998 and 2000 primaries, and all
special elections 1967 to the present. That is 408
races. In all instances, only Republicans and
Democrats ever placed first or second (except in the
12 obvious cases when only one major party person was
running). Even Audie Bock placed third in her special
election in 1999. She got into the run-off anyway
because the rules said the top vote-getter from each
party goes in, but under this initiative, even she
couldn't have been in the run-off.
But you might say, well, yes, but the rules were
different for all those past California blanket
primaries. And if the initiative passed, people's
voting behavior might change. And you mentioned San
Francisco.
But even the San Francisco example doesn't stand up.
Under existing rules, if Mayor of San Francisco were a
partisan office, Gonzalez would have been running in
the general election against a Democrat and against a
Republican. Gonzalez would have had a better chance
under existing rules in a 3-way race. Much analysis
has been done of the San Francisco mayoral run-off of
Dec. 2003. We know that Republicans voted
overwhelmingly against Gonzalez. Under existing rules
for partisan elections, Matt probably would have won.
But under the initiative, we would have a repeat of
what really happened in Dec. 2003, in which
Republicans and party-loyal Democrats ganged up
against Matt.
Also, although Greens have done very well in
non-partisan county and city elections in California,
those really were non-partisan elections, with no
party labels on the ballot. With party labels, the
same results might not have been so good.
A follow-up response by him (Richard Winger):
Date: Mon, 2 Feb 2004 20:47:57 -0800 (PST)
Subject: how do minor parties ever win in the USA?
In November 2002, nine minor party state legislators
were elected around the USA. So minor parties do win
a few state elections. In California Audie Bock won
in a special election in 1999.
Also minor party governors were elected in Alaska and
Connecticut in 1990, and Minnesota in 1998. Jesse
Ventura won with only 37.00% of the vote. He probably
couldn't have won if Minnesota had had a system like
California's initiative. The two third party
governors in 1990 also won with less than 50%.
I have never been one of those people who hates
elections with minority winners. I know everyone in
the IRV world always acts as though minority winners
are a terrible evil. No one really talks about it;
it's a given. But some of the best presidents in US
history polled less than 50% of the popular vote. And
some of the landslide winners have been among the
worst presidents.
Last time a nationally-organized minor party won a
congressional election (New York state 1948, Vito
Marcantonio), it was a victory with less than 50% of
the vote. Marcantonio was part of Henry Wallace's
Progressive Party. Republicans and Democrats split
the opposition to him. In 1950, Republicans and
Democrats united on a single candidate between them,
and that got rid of Marcantonio.
Since I am all in favor of minor party representation
in legislative bodies (which is why I like
proportional representation), in the absense of p.r. I
am happy with 3 strong candidates, because that's
usually the only way minor parties ever win any
seats
at all.
Another follow-up response by him (Richard Winger):
Subject: huge difference between Louisiana and Calif. initiative
Date: Tue, 24 Feb 2004 16:19:50 -0800 (PST)
I'm so glad you asked this question! It is vital that
we explain that the California initiative is NOT the
same as Louisiana. California's is far, far worse!
Louisiana lets everyone run in November. If noone
gets 50% or more (which happens 85% of the time), the
state holds a December run-off.
So in Louisiana, minor party members get to run in
November, they get to campaign in Sept. & Oct., and
things aren't so bad.
But in California, minor party members could only
campaign in Jan. & Feb. of election years, then run in
March, then get wiped out. California would always
hold a two-person run-off in November, because federal
law requires each state to hold its congressional
election in November. So in California, under the
initiative, even if one person got 100% of the votes
in March, California would have that person run again
in November. It's really very different from
Louisiana.
I have told the proponents of the Cal. initiative that
I wouldn't be so opposed to their initiative if they
had followed the Louisiana model.
10) CVD (
Center for Voting and Democracy) on Louisiana Primary
11) Steven Hill Editorial
Proposed primary reform will hurt California democracy
By Steven Hill and Roy Ulrich
California voters may be asked to vote again this November on our
primary election system. Having lost the popular blanket primary passed
by voters in 1996 following an unfavorable U.S. Supreme Court ruling,
well-intentioned state leaders like Leon Panetta, Richard Riordan, and
state controller Steve Westly are pushing a voter initiative suggested
by, oddly enough, the most conservative Justice, Antonin Scalia. The
result, unfortunately, is political deform masked as reform.
Their voter initiative would adopt a version of Louisiana's "top-two"
primary which, like the blanket primary, allows voters to choose any
candidate, regardless of political party affiliation, in primary
elections for state and federal office (except President). But there are
important differences with the blanket primary that proponents are
fudging.
Under the blanket primary, the highest vote-getters from each political
party competed against each other in the November election -- Democrats,
Republicans, and third party candidates. But with the "top-two" primary,
only the top two vote-getters face off in a final runoff election. And
here's the catch: the top two can be from the same political party.
In Louisiana, often the two finalists are in fact from the same party --
either two Democrats in a liberal district, or two Republicans in a
conservative district. And third party candidates never appear on
Louisiana's final ballot.
What impact will this have on California's already low turnout
elections, to have even fewer choices on the November ballot, often only
two candidates from the same party? And what impact will this have on
California's vibrant third parties, where in Louisiana they have been
mostly wiped off the ballot? This hardly seems like a step forward.
Ironically, the major reasons cited by proponents for pushing this
measure are twofold: 1) they say it will increase voter turnout; and 2)
they say it will elect more moderates. Yet the "top-two" primary fails
on both counts.
Louisiana often ranks near the bottom in voter turnout. In 2002, just
over a third of eligible voters showed up at the polls to cast votes in
that state's Congressional elections. That's not surprising, given that
voters have so few choices on the final ballot.
California democracy already took a direct hit when political incumbents
grotesquely gerrymandered their own legislative districts to guarantee
themselves safe seats in which their party cannot lose. Adding the
"top-two" primary system will reinforce these one-party fiefdoms,
increasing voter alienation and apathy.
That alone is reason enough to reject the top-two primary. But
Louisiana's experience also negates that this will elect more moderates,
especially in the few competitive races.
Ex-Klansman David Duke made it into Louisiana's 1991 governor's runoff
with only 32% of the vote. His core of rabid supporters held together
while moderate candidates split the rest of the vote, allowing Duke to
make the runoff with a low percentage. His opponent with 37%, Democrat
Edwin Edwards, had been twice-indicted and eventually was convicted for
bribery and fraud. One bumper sticker read "Vote the Crook, not the
Klan."
In Louisiana's 1995 gubernatorial primary, the top two candidates were a
right-wing state senator supported by Duke and a liberal black
Congressman, with 26% and 19% of the vote each. Candidates from the
middle of Louisiana's politics split the moderate vote and were
eliminated, and the right-winger won.
As Louisiana columnist Bill Decker writes, "The fact is that Louisiana's
primary system isn't a good test of the state's mood and intentions. The
multi-candidate primary is about who can attract 20 percent to 30
percent of the vote on one day."
While California may not have to worry about ex-Klansmen candidates, we
have our own version of polarizing candidates and demagoguery around
issues of immigration and race. The "top two" system has a track record
of exaggerating these divisions.
Oddly, the top-two primary produces an electoral schizophrenia. The few
competitive races tend to elect winners from the extremes of the
parties. But lopsided races might elect slightly more moderate winners
since Democrats in a Republican district can vote for the more moderate
of the final two Republican candidates, and vice versa, giving
opposition voters a kind of check over the major party winner. And third
parties and independent candidates are locked out.
On balance, the gain seems minimal, while the loss is great. The desire
to improve California's democracy is commendable, but any version of
Louisiana's "top-two" primary is the wrong way to do it.
Steven Hill is senior analyst for Center for Voting and Democracy
(www.fairvote.org) in San Francisco and author of "Fixing Elections:
The Failure of America's Winner Take All Politics"
(www.FixingElections.com). Roy Ulrich is a public interest lawyer in Los
Angeles.
12) GPCA Past Actions
13) What Next?
Do County Polling
Then if Counties agree...
Contact the other third parties
GPCA campaign against the initiative
14) Possible Tactics
Possible bullet items (thanks Chris Jerdonek),
the Open Primary...:
-
makes *money* become even more important in the process
-
*limits* voter choice in the general election
-
*narrows* the range of debate in the general election
-
*excludes* minority viewpoints
15) Dissenting position
Another point of view on the Limited-Choice primary inititive,
from Jeanne Rosenmeier, Co-coordinator of the ERWG.
WHY I DON'T OPPOSE THE WESTLY INITIATIVE
The "limited choice" initiative would run the election of partisan
offices essentially the same as the two round runoff process for
nonpartisan local offices. All candidates, regardless of party, would
appear in the first round, and the top two vote-getters go on to the
second round runoff.
This type of election format is very familiar to us Greens. We saw it
in San Francisco, in the race Matt Ganzales almost won. My point is, we
do OK in this type of race. In fact, we might see more races consisting
of Green versus Democrat or Green versus Republican -- races in which we
don't have to worry about the 'spoiler' label.
A two-round runoff system could be the first step on the round to IRV
for partisan races. I could envision the state deciding to save money
by consolidating the whole process into one election.
I understand the down side, that there would be many more elections in
which no Green is on the ballot. My point is, why waste resources, when
we have so many issues on our plates? Why worry about an initiative
that will almost surely pass, and may not be so bad if it does?
Jeanne
I am open to suggestions, assistance, arguments,
etcetera. Particularly as to why the general
public should oppose this initiative. At the
moment it seems to me that we have good arguments
why third parties should oppose it. And maybe we
have good arguments why the voters should oppose
it, I don't know. But I don't yet see anything
really compelling for the voters.