
San
Francisco Chronicle - Let's say there's a businessman -- in China,
for example -- with stellar public-sector connections. He wins billions of
dollars in government contracts for his company. Let's say this businessman
becomes a high-ranking government official himself. And let's say the
government begins throwing its enemies into prison without trials or access
to attorneys.
Would anyone be surprised if the
official's former company wins the contract for building all those new
prison cells? Probably not. We'd just assume that's how things work in a
place like Beijing. Only this isn't a hypothetical situation, and it's not
really about China. We're actually talking about the U.S. government and an
American company. And the official in question is none other than Vice
President Dick Cheney.
Cheney, of course, previously served as
chief executive officer of Halliburton, the Dallas oil-services giant. Less
well-known is that Halliburton owns a subsidiary called Kellogg, Brown &
Root, which is one of the Defense Department's leading contractors.
KBR, as the company's called, is
profiting handsomely from America's war on terror. Among other things, it's
responsible for feeding most of the troops at Bagram Air Base, the U.S.
military's headquarters in Afghanistan.
KBR's contract to provide support
services for the Army lasts 10 years and contains no limit on spending. It
could end up being worth billions. KBR has a similar deal with the Navy.
In July, the government announced that
KBR had been awarded a $9.7 million contract to build an additional 204-unit
detention center at the U.S. military base at Guantanamo Bay, Cuba, where
hundreds of "enemy combatants" have been held since January.
This is on top of $16 million received
by KBR in February to get the Guantanamo prison facility off the ground, as
well as another $7 million in April to expand the compound.
Most of the detainees have been denied
any form of due process since being taken prisoner. This is slippery stuff.
Cheney plays a central role in shaping Washington's response to the Sept. 11
attacks. A company he once ran benefits directly from the government's
actions.
"You can't get a clearer example of
conflict of interest," said Bill Allison, managing editor for the Center for
Public Integrity, a nonpartisan government watchdog group in Washington, DC.
"It's a troubling phenomenon, to say the least."
That's not how Halliburton sees it. The
company says Cheney currently plays no role whatsoever in any business
dealings between Halliburton and the government. As for the $3.8 billion in
government contracts and loans received by the company during Cheney's
tenure as CEO, from 1995 to 2000, Halliburton spokeswoman Wendy Hall
stressed that Cheney steered clear of all defense matters. "He didn't want
the appearance of being influential over any contracts awarded to KBR," she
said.
Allison at the Center for Public
Integrity all but laughed off this claim. "It's beyond belief that the CEO
is not involved in all aspects of the company's business," he said. Indeed,
it does seem a stretch to think that a former U.S. defense secretary, with a
Rolodex stuffed full of Pentagon contacts, would have nothing to do with his
company's lucrative defense business.
In any case, KBR did quite well under
Cheney's watch. The company's defense contracts during the period ranged
from $10 million for removal of hazardous waste at military bases and $5
million for maintenance of Florida missile facilities to $470 million for
supporting U.S. forces in Bosnia and Croatia.
Moreover, documents uncovered by the
Center for Public Integrity show that Halliburton received $1.5 billion in
government loans and loan guarantees during the five years Cheney was CEO.
That compares with just $100 million during the previous five years.
And the government contracts keep
rolling in. Last year, for example, KBR was one of a number of
defense-industry heavyweights handed a $5 billion government contract to
dispose of outmoded weapons of mass destruction in the former Soviet Union.
In March, KBR received an almost $47
million contract to provide support services at the Naval Air Facility in El
Centro (Imperial County), not far from the Mexican border.
And in August, a team of companies led
by KBR received a $725 million, five- year contract to provide maintenance
services at Los Alamos National Laboratory in New Mexico, the country's
premiere nuclear weapons lab.
Cheney retired from Halliburton in
August 2000. He received $4.3 million in deferred compensation that year,
plus $806,332 in salary. He subsequently sold more than $40 million in stock
options. Even though he's no longer in Halliburton's executive suite, Cheney
reported on his 2001 tax return that he received nearly $1.6 million in
deferred compensation from the company last year.
Cheney is still receiving deferred
compensation from Halliburton, but neither the company nor the White House
would specify how large his payment will be this year or how long the
payments will continue. This is cash that he's already earned. Yet it's also
cash that Halliburton is accruing in part from its activities in Guantanamo
Bay and Afghanistan.
"He's receiving money from the
government and money from a private-sector company with government
contracts," said Allison. "Whose payroll is he on?" The answer: Both of
them. And that couldn't be right.