The Unlocked Box
How Bush is plundering Social Security to close the deficit.
By Daniel Gross
The International Monetary Fund, which usually frets about runaway
fiscal policies in developing countries, yesterday released
a report that warned of the dangers to the global economy posed
by the United States’ lack of spending discipline, its
reliance on foreign creditors, and its failure to plan adequately
for future government liabilities.
Earlier this week, even as he called for making
the Bush tax cuts permanent, Treasury Secretary John Snow pooh-poohed
the deficit problem and insisted the government has a plan to
improve matters:
Our fiscal situation remains a matter of concern.
With major expenditures to protect our nation’s homeland
security and fight the war on terror, coupled with a recovering
economy, we still face a deficit in the $500 billion range for
the current fiscal year—larger than anyone wants. But
that size deficit, at roughly 4.5% of GDP (compared with a modern
peak of 6% during the 80s), is not historically out of range;
and it is entirely manageable, if we continue the president’s
strong pro-growth economic policies and sound fiscal restraint.
Indeed, with adoption of the President’s policies, our
projections show a solid path toward cutting the deficit in
half, toward a size that is below 2% of GDP, within the next
five years.
The genial treasury secretary, a former deficit
hawk, seems literally incapable of speaking truthfully about
the deficit. (The same holds for National Economic Council Chairman
Stephen Friedman.) In fact, if we adopt the president’s
policies—which include a host of new tax cuts and massive
new spending programs—the deficit won’t fall 50
percent in the next five years. It will grow substantially.
And if President Bush and the Republican-controlled Congress
weren’t already quietly using every penny of the massive
and growing Social Security surplus to cover operating expenses—and
planning to continue this habit—the deficits would be
even larger.
Back in 1983, as part of a deal to save Social
Security from impending demographic doom, Congress enacted legislation
to essentially increase payroll taxes and reduce benefits. As
a result, the government began to collect more Social Security
payroll taxes than it paid out to beneficiaries each year. The
theory was that the government would use these surpluses to
pay down the national debt. That way, when baby boomers retire—and
comparatively more people are collecting benefits while comparatively
fewer people are working—the government would be in a
better position to borrow the necessary funds to provide the
promised benefits.
So much for theory. The reality? For the first
15 years, every penny of the surplus was spent, first by Republican
presidents and then by a Democratic president. According to
figures provided by the Committee for a Responsible Federal
Budget, the surpluses were relatively insignificant for much
of this period. Between 1983 and 2001 a total of $667 billion
in excess Social Security payroll taxes was spent—about
$35 billion per year. It was only in fiscal 1999 and 2000, when
the government ran so-called on-budget surpluses, that excess
Social Security funds were actually used to retire debt.
In the 2000 campaign, Vice President Al Gore said
we should sequester the Social Security surpluses in a "lockbox"
to prevent appropriators from spending them. Bush agreed in
principle. But that commitment went out the window soon after
the inauguration. In his first three budgets, Bush (who had
the good fortune to take office at a time when the surpluses
were growing rapidly) and Congress used $480 billion in excess
Social Security payroll taxes to fund basic government operations—about
$160 billion per year!
By so doing, Washington spenders have masked the
size of the deficit. For Fiscal 2004—which began in October
2003—if you factor out the $164 billion Social Security
surplus, the on-budget deficit will be at least $639 billion,
rather close to the modern peak of 6 percent of GDP. And according
to its own projections (the bottom line of Table 8 represents
the Social Security surplus), the administration plans to spend
an additional $990 billion in such funds between now and 2008.
That year, according to the Office of Management and Budget’s
projections, the on-budget deficit will be about $464 billion.
Only by using that year’s $238 billion Social Security
surplus does the administration arrive at a total, unified deficit
of $226 billion. And the ultimate on-budget deficit will almost
certainly be worse. OMB has proven in the past few years that
its projections can’t be trusted.
The accounting for Social Security surpluses has
always been dishonest. But in the past few years, the Bush administration
has made this shady accounting a central pillar of its fiscal
strategy. The unprecedented reliance on these funds hides the
failure of the administration to ensure that there is some reasonable
correlation between the resources it has at its disposal and
the spending commitments it makes. Bush & Co. have redesigned
the tax system so that collections of the progressive taxes
that are supposed to fund government operations—like individual
income taxes—have plummeted. Instead, with each passing
year we rely for our current needs more on the regressive payroll
taxes that are supposed to fund our collective retirement.
The persistence of the administration and its
credulous allies in eliding these facts is flabbergasting. Of
course, for the Bush administration to give an honest accounting
of the deficits, and of the role that Social Security surpluses
play in keeping them down, would be to admit the fundamental
bankruptcy—no pun intended—of its adventuresome
fiscal experiment.